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Between 2009 and 2020, Josh published more than 10,000 blog posts. Here, you can access his blog archives.

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The Table of Contents of “Unprecedented”

December 30th, 2012

Here is how the TOC of my in-progress book stands now, but it is likely subject to change.

Author’s Note
Introduction 


Part I. The Once and Future Mandate (1989 – January 20, 2009)

  1. The Individual Mandate’s Heritage
  2. Hillarycare 1.0
  3. Hillarycare 2.0 v. Obamacare 1.0
  4. Obamacare 2.0 v. McCainCare
  5. Health and Change

Part II. Unprecedented (January 21 2009 – March 23, 2010)

  1. Obamacare 3.0
  2. The Constitutional Debate Begins
  3. The Tea Party
  4. The Mayflower Compact
  5. “It’s Unprecedented”
  6. The Senate
  7. The 40th Vote
  8. “Not True”
  9. The House
  10. The President

Part III. Regulating Inactivity (March 23, 2010 – January 31, 2011)

  1. Of Wheat and Weed
  2. Lawsuits Filed Before The Ink Dried
  3. Broccoli & Limiting Principles
  4. “Not a tax increase.”
  5. Virginia and Florida

Part IV. Coercing the States (February 1, 2011-November 13, 2011)

  1. Strings Attached
  2. New Faces
  3. Healthcare Is Unique
  4. Challenges Dismissed
  5. No Limiting Principle
  6. Judicial Restraint

Part V. “Secure the blessings of Liberty” (November 14, 2011 – March 28, 2012)

  1. Baking Freedom
  2. Changing of the Generals
  3. Certiorari is Granted
  4. The Nine
  5. The Stage Is Set
  6. Day One: Tomorrow it’s a tax, but today it’s not
  7. Day Two: He Choked
  8. Day Three, The Morning: A Hollow Shell
  9. Day Three, The Afternoon: Gun To The Head
  10. The Eagle Has Landed

Part VI. Outside The Supreme Court (March 29, 2012 – June 27, 2012)

  1. Thursday Morning Quarterbacks
  2. The Court’s Legitimacy
  3. “False Equivalency”
  4. “Wobbly”
  5. The end of the term.

Part VII. The Power to Tax – June 28, 2012

  1. The Anticipation
  2. The Handdown
  3. “The Saving Construction”
  4. “Invalid In Its Entirety”
  5. “Survives Relatively Unscathed”
  6. The Court is in recess

Part VIII. The Switch In Time That Saved Nine (June 29, 2012 – November 6, 2012)

  1. Immediate Reactions
  2. The Leak
  3. The Court’s Legitimacy
  4. Repeal Obamacare
  5. Romneycare v. Obamacare
  6. The Election

Epilogue

  1. Obamacare is here to stay
  2. Limits on Medicaid
  3. Other challenges

 

DOJ Opposes Senators McCain, Graham, and Ayotte From Taking Their Argument

December 29th, 2012

I previously blogged about the notion of Senators defending their own laws in court, focusing on the current efforts by Senators McCain, Lindsey Graham, and Kelly Ayotte to intervene as amici in Hedges v. Obama. Now the DOJ has opposed that motion, arguing that the Senators should not take away their time.

First, DOJ contends that they opposed Amici’s request:

Amici’s motion states that “Appellants take no position on the relief sought in this Motion.” Counsel for the government, however, communicated to counsel for the amici that the government would oppose their motion to participate in oral argument unless they made clear in their motion that they were seeking additional time, and not seeking to share the oral argument time to be allotted to defendants-appellants. We further informed counsel that to the extent that they were expressly only seeking additional time, the government would then “take no position” on whether this Court should grant the motion.

It’s not clear from the Senators’ brief that they wanted divided time. Though, I gather DOJ so construed it because the motion did not request additional time. See the conclusion:

For the foregoing reasons, the Senate Amici respectfully request that the Court grant leave for their participation in oral argument and allot them 10 minutes of oral argument time.

In other words, grant them 10 minutes from existing oral argument time, which would, by necessity, come from DOJ’s allotment. I’m not sure what the regular practice is here.

Second, DOJ argues that it is “highly unusual” and “unwarranted” to grant such a request:

Thus, to the extent that the motion of the three amici is seeking to share the time to be allotted to appellants, the government opposes the motion. With respect, it would be highly unusual, and we believe unwarranted in a case such as this, to take argument time from the parties who are subject to a district court’s injunctive order to allow individual members of one component of the legislative branch to provide their views of the meaning and purpose of a federal statute that — as amici themselves agree (Amici Br. 14-20) — expressly states that it did not change existing law. As to whether the Court should expand the oral argument time allotted to grant amici an additional 10 minutes of time, appellants take no position on the motion.

For reasons I’ve stated in prior posts–even assuming that the Senators have fantastic arguments–I think it is unorthodox to treat them as anything more than run-of-the-mill Amici.

7th Circuit Implies That Corporations Have Rights Under RFRA In Light of Citizens United

December 29th, 2012

In the past, I have queried whether corporations have First Amendment rights to free exercise of religion.

Tyndale, a D.D.C. contraception mandate opinion addressed, but did not decide this issue.

This Court, like others before it, declines to address the unresolved question of whether for-profit corporations can exercise religion within the meaning of the RFRA and the Free Exercise Clause. See, e.g., First Nat’l Bank v. Bellotti, 435 U.S. 765, 777-78 n.14 (1978) (recognizing that corporations have First Amendment speech rights, but declining to “address the abstract question whether corporations have the full measure of rights that individuals enjoy under the First Amendment”); Stormans, Inc. v. Selecky, 586 F.3d 1109, 1119 (9th Cir. 2009) (“We decline to decide whether a for-profit corporation can assert its own rights under the Free Exercise Clause . . .”); Church of Scientology of Cal. v. Cazares, 638 F.2d 1272, 1280 n.7 (5th Cir. 1981) (same).

Now the 7th Circuit has implied that corporations do not lack protection under RFRA. Judges Sykes and Flaum barred the enforcement of the contraceptive mandate against a company operated by Catholic owners. In deciding this case, the court refuted the government’s claim that rights under RFRA do not apply to a corporation with a citation to Citizens United. Here is the key passage:

In response, the government’s primary argument is that because K & L Contractors is a secular, for‐profit enterprise, no rights under RFRA are implicated at all. This ignores that Cyril and Jane Korte are also plaintiffs. Together they own nearly 88% of K & L Contractors. It is a family‐run business, and they manage the company in accordance with their religious beliefs. This includes the health plan that the company sponsors and funds for the benefit of its nonunion workforce. That the Kortes operate their business in the corporate form is not dispositive of their claim. See generally Citizens United v. Fed. Election Comm’n, 130 S. Ct. 876 (2010).  The contraception mandate applies to K & L Contractors as an employer of more than 50 employees, and the Kortes would have to violate their religious beliefs to operate their company in compliance with it.

Though this passage only applies to rights under RFRA, following Citizens United, I don’t think any thing precludes entities under a corporate form from claiming free exercise rights. Another front for corporate personhood.

Judge Rovner disagrees in dissent, though does not outright reject the proposition that corporations can receive protections under RFRA:

Although the Kortes contend that complying with the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act’s insurance mandate violates their religious liberties, they are removed by multiple steps from the contraceptive services to which they object.  First, it is the corporation rather than the Kortes individually which will pay for the insurance coverage. The corporate form may not be dispositive of the claims raised in this litigation, but neither is it meaningless:  it does separate the Kortes, in some real measure, from the actions of their company.

At Volokh, Jon Adler writes: ” I agree with the Seventh Circuit that the use of the corporate form is not dispositive, but I would place more weight on the nature of the “corporation” involved.”

A related question. The 10th Circuit denied an injunction in the Hobby Lobby case. The 7th Circuit granted the injunction. Does that mean that Hobby Lobby employees in Illinois  Indiana, and Wisconsin are exempt from the mandate, and that Hobby Lobby employees in the 10th Circuit states are not exempt? Or is it based on the principle place of business (Oklahoma in the case of Hobby Lobby)? How does this work?

Update: Lyle Denniston weighs in here:

Moreover, it sounds somewhat strange for a commercial entity that is considered to have an artificial legal personality, like a corporation, to “exercise” religion.

But to the family-run corporations that have sued to challenge the new contraceptives mandate, that is not strange at all. In fact, Cyril and Jane Korte in their lawsuit explicitly claimed that their construction company has its own right to exercise religion, and as its principal owners, they have insisted that they run its operations every day to reflect their personal religious convictions. The company’s business is, to them, another form of putting their Roman Catholic faith into daily practice.

The federal government challenged those claims in the Kortes’ lawsuit, noting that the family business was organized as a profit-making, secular business that makes no mention of a religious purpose in its incorporation papers, and that it sells no religious products or services. “The government is aware of no case in which a for-profit, secular employer with K&L’s characteristics prevailed” on a religious freedom claim, it said in a court document in the case.

The key dispute in this context thus appears to turn on whether the faith preferences of the owners of a profit-making corporation can be transferred to the business entity so that it is not an independent entity but rather, for constitutional purposes, an alter ego. The Kortes argue that, since the couple owns 88 percent of the construction company, they do treat it as an alter ego to express their faith. And it appears that, at least for the time being, that claim has prevailed in the courts in their case.

Also, Lyle offers this quote from Justice Sotomayor’s opinion as Circuit Justice in the Hobby Lobby case.

“This Court has not previously addressed [religious freedom] or free exercise claims brought by closely held for-profit corporations and their controlling shareholders alleging that the mandatory provision of certain employee benefits substantially burdens their exercise of religion.”

The D.C. Circuit Charges $2.90 Per Page For a Transcript of Oral Argument!?

December 28th, 2012

This is ridiculous.

Current pricing and completion
schedules are:
$2.90 per page – 10 business days
$3.05 per page – 7 business days
$4.55 per page – 2 business days
By order of the Court, copies of oral argument tapes may only be purchased once a case has been completely closed. All appeals, remands, or other additional proceedings must be concluded before the oral argument tape can be reproduced.

The transcript for an hour proceeding is easily 100 pages. $300 pages for a transcript of a court proceeding. Unbelievable.

And it costs $30 for a copy of the audio recording.

Any person interested in purchasing a recording of an oral argument may do so by requesting it inwriting from the Court address on the previous page. Please provide the name of the case, the case number and the date of argument. Once a request for an oral argument recording is received, the Court will determine whether or not the case has been completely closed. If the case has been completely closed, the Court will contact the requestor for payment. The current price for one copy of an oral argument recording is $30 and payment must be made by check or money order only. Please do not send cash. The request for the oral argument recording will be processed as soon as payment is received. The requestor should also indicate a delivery preference. The oral argument tape will either be mailed with first class postage or the tape may be picked up from the Clerk’s Office. If the case has not been completely closed, the requestor will be so notified.

All this to hear Judge Kavanaugh ask about the Anti-Injunction Act. Harumph.

Update: A generous person, who shall remain unnamed, has sent me a copy of this transcript. You can download it here.

The Social Cost of the Second Amendment

December 28th, 2012

No, this is not some theoretical piece I’ve put together, but an actual article in the JOurnal of Public Economics, titled “The Social Cost of Gun Ownership.”

Here is the abstract:

This paper provides new estimates of the effect of household gun prevalence on homicide rates, and infers the marginal external cost of handgun ownership. The estimates utilize a superior proxy for gun prevalence, the percentage of suicides committed with a gun, which we validate. Using county- and state-level panels for 20 years, we estimate the elasticity of homicide with respect to gun prevalence as between +0.1 and + 0.3. All of the effect of gun prevalence is on gun homicide rates. Under certain reasonable assumptions, the average annual marginal social cost of household gun ownership is in the range $100 to $1800.

And from the intro:

Widespread gun ownership in a community could provide a general deterrent to criminal predation, lowering the risk to owners and non-owners alike. But widespread gun ownership could also lead to increased risks of various sorts, including the possibility that guns will be misused by the owners or transferred to dangerous people through theft or unregulated sale. Whether the social costs of gun ownership are positive or negative is arguably the most fundamental question for the regulation of firearms in the United States.

Notably, the paper makes no effort to define “social cost.”

In Judging the Constitutionality of Social Cost, I venture to give meaning to social cost–a term something that courts routinely toss around without ever bothering to define.

The Supreme Court has recognized two types of social cost, that I have labeled liberty costs and safety costs. First, liberty costs, refer to the risk of negative externalities to society as a whole that can result from individuals exercising liberty. Second, safety costs, refer to the risk of negative externalities to individual liberty that can result from the state providing for collective safety.

This article only considers the liberty costs (how owning a gun can harm others), but fails to consider the safety costs (how the government restricting access to gun can harm individual liberty). Both of these costs are very important.

H/T Tyler Cowen via @JustinWolfers