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Between 2009 and 2020, Josh published more than 10,000 blog posts. Here, you can access his blog archives.

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Event at Heritage Foundation on Thursday: The Legacy of Justice Scalia

May 18th, 2016

On Thursday at noon I will be speaking at the Heritage Foundation on Justice Scalia’s Legacy. Noel Francisco will be providing the keynote address. Stephanos Bibas will be talking about Justice Scalia’s criminal procedure legacy, Rick Garnett will be talking about his religious liberty legacy, and I will talk about his separation-of-powers jurisprudence, with a special focus on the role of his dissents. It should be an excellent event, hosted by Elizabeth Slattery. It will be live-streamed, so please watch it even if you are not in the area.

Here is Heritage’s description:

On February 13, 2016, Americans lost a legal titan with the passing with Justice Antonin Scalia. Conservatives mourn the loss of a standard-bearer and liberals remember a worthy opponent. When he arrived at the Supreme Court in 1986, legislative history was considered more instructive than the text of a statute for determining its meaning and a majority of the justices thought they should weigh policy options as though they were legislators, rather than simply determining what the law required. But Justice Scalia thought otherwise. He believed that the Constitution and laws should be interpreted based on their original public meaning and based on their actual text; and this could be discerned through dictionaries from the period when the law was passed, from looking to the common law tradition, and foundational documents like Blackstone’s Commentaries to understand what things meant at the time the Framers of our Constitution drafted the language. In nearly 30 years on the Supreme Court, Justice Scalia brought about a huge shift in the law, leading to a generation of law students, lawyers, and judges who interpret the Constitution as it was written; and not how they wish it was written. Scalia’s legacy will continue to flourish. Join us at Heritage to hear from Noel Francisco, who clerked for Justice Scalia in the 1997 term, and a panel of distinguished law professors who will discuss Justice Scalia’s impact on the separation of powers, the integrity of the criminal justice process, and religious freedom.

Sotomayor: “I believe in forced labor”

May 18th, 2016

Justice Sotomayor used what were probably not the most-judicious words to endorse mandatory pro bono service for law students who are applying for the Bar.

U.S. Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor said Monday that all lawyers should be required to provide pro bono legal services.

“I believe in forced labor” when it comes to improving access to justice for the poor, she said during an appearance at the American Law Institute’s annual meeting in Washington. “If I had my way, I would make pro bono service a requirement.”

Sotomayor made the comment in response to a question from institute director Richard Revesz about the dearth of legal services for low-income individuals.

The justice said she was aware of programs—like New York state’s—that make pro bono work a requirement for admission to the bar. She also acknowledged that some critics say lawyers who are compelled to work for free “may not give their best effort” to the task.

But professional and ethical duties require it, Sotomayor insisted. “It has to become part of their being,” she said.

Justice Stevens gave a speech to the ALI on Tuesday, but it is still not yet posted on the Supreme Court’s site.

Feldman Misses on Little Sisters and 2nd Amendment

May 18th, 2016

Noah Feldman’s two most recent columns contain two misses.

First, he writes that the Little Sisters of the Poor, and other petitioners in Zubik, will not accept any compromise that results in their employees receiving contraceptive care, because their goal is to “derail” the mandate:

The shift demonstrates that the real goal of the organizations is not to take any deal at all. The Obama administration wants employees to get coverage “seamlessly,” that is through their own doctors and insurers. The religious organizations seem unwilling to accept anything other than active disruption. Their reasoning is principled:  they think contraception is immoral and they want to do anything they can to make it harder to get. If they can derail any part of the contraceptive care mandate, they will.

This is false. The Petitioners urged the government to find a way to provide their female employees without the involvement of their insurance plans, either through a separate policy with the same insurance company, the ACA Exchanges, Title X, or some other means. While they no doubt oppose the notion of contraception as a moral matter, they do not object to the government finding a way to accomplish their compelling interest–so long as it doesn’t burden their faith. Traditionally, many of the religious employers who object to the mandate specifically give their workers generous Health Savings Accounts, knowing full well what they will use it for.

Second, in a piece about the 9th Circuit’s decision in Teixeira v. County of Alameda, Feldman wrote that the lower courts are effecting a “revolution” in Second Amendment jurisprudence.

There’s a quiet revolution going on in the constitutional law of guns. Since the Supreme Court declared gun ownership a fundamental right less than a decade ago, the lower courts have been expanding upon that landmark ruling.

If only this were true! The lower courts have engaged in flat-out disobedience to Heller and McDonald. I can count on one hand the number of district court decisions invalidating laws under the Second Amendment, that were not reversed on appeal or by an en banc court. (The Supreme Court has denied cert on every single cert petition involving the 2nd Amendment since McDonald). The lower courts have been hostile to the right to keep and bear arms. Teixeira is a complete outlier. Look no further for the never-ending saga of the right to carry in the District of Columbia. My colleague Alan Gura and others have gone through so many appeals since Heller was decided, and the case still has not reached a final disposition.  In 2014, I wrote a piece in The American Spectator listing all of the 2nd Amendment cases where the challengers have lost. Not much has changed in the last two years.

Earlier this week, he made two glaring errors about Judge Collyer’s opinion in House of Representatives v. Burwell.

Heed Their Rising Voices

May 18th, 2016

In 1960, a group of civil rights leaders published a full-page advertisement in The New York Times. “Heed the rising voices,” the advertisement proclaimed, was a rallying call to shine a light on injustices in Jim Crow Alabama. Though their advertisement conveyed a powerful message, there were factual inaccuracies. For example, it stated that Dr. Martin Luther King was arrested seven times, when he was only arrested four times. It stated that a group of protestors sang the National Anthem, but they actually sang My Country Tis of Thee. Their most outlandish claim was that the police locked protesting-students in a dining hall–it never happened.

L.B. Sullivan, Commissioner of the City of Birmingham brought a libel suit against The New York Times for running the advertisement.  (Though Sullivan was not named, the reference in the advertisement to the “police” presumably included the Commissioner who supervised the police department). In one of the most important, and celebrated First Amendment decisions, the Court reversed the libel judgment. The Court concluded that to justify a libel action against a “public figure,”  Sullivan had the burden to prove that the Times acted with “actual malice,” that is “with knowledge that it was false or with reckless disregard of whether it was false or not.”

Although this was ostensibly a pure free speech case, it must be understood in the broader context of the era. Sullivan brought this action not because he cared what a bunch of New Yorkers thought about Birmingham, but as a tool to chill and silence the Civil Rights Movement, and prevent them from soliciting funds to help tear down Jim Crow. Sullivan should be viewed alongside NAACP v. Alabama as cases that use the First Amendment to protect the sort of speech is unpopular, and that others want to silence.

Today, a full page advertisement was published in The New York Times, which I signed. The title reads: “Abuse of Power: All Americans have the right to support causes they believe in.” The advertisement, sponsored by the Competitive Enterprise Institute, sounds an alarm to the disturbing subpoenas the Attorney General of the Virgin Islands sent to the Competitive Enterprise Institute, and other right-of-center groups, as part of a broader investigation into Exxon. (Walter Olson collects a number of the stories).

I have no qualification to discuss climate change, but I am qualified, and passionate about the First Amendment. This witch hunt is clearly aimed at chilling and silencing speech they disagree with. These subpoenas are far more egregious than what L.B. Sullivan did to the New York Times half a century ago, and should be stopped.

Here is the text of the letter:

ABUSE OF POWER

All Americans have the right to support causes they believe in.

The right to speak out is among the most fundamental principles of American democracy. It should never be taken away.

Yet, around the country, a group of state attorneys general have launched a misguided effort to silence the views and voices of those who disagree with them.

Recently, New York Attorney General Eric Schneiderman, U.S. Virgin Islands Attorney General Claude Walker, and a coalition of other “AGs United for Clean Power” announced an investigation of more than 100 businesses, nonprofits, and private individuals who question their positions on climate change.

This abuse of power is unacceptable. It is unlawful. And it is un-American.

Regardless of one’s views on climate change, every American should reject the use of government power to harass or silence those who hold differing opinions. This intimidation campaign sets a dangerous precedent and threatens the rights of anyone who disagrees with the government’s position—whether it’s vaccines, GMOs, or any other politically charged issue. Law enforcement officials should never use their powers to silence participants in political debates.

We are standing up for every American’s First Amendment right to speak freely. We hope you will join us. This is a critical battle, and it will determine whether our society encourages spirited debate or tolerates only government-approved opinions.

Kent Lassman
President & CEO, Competitive Enterprise Institute

C. Boyden Gray
Former White House Counsel

Andrew C. McCarthy
Former Chief Assistant United States Attorney, Southern District of New York

Michael B. Mukasey
U.S. Attorney General, 2007-2009; U.S. District Judge, 1988-2006

Ross McKitrick
Professor of Economics, University of Guelph

Ronald D. Rotunda
Distinguished Professor of Jurisprudence, Chapman University

Richard S. Lindzen
Professor Emeritus of Atmospheric Sciences, MIT

William Happer
Emeritus Professor of Physics, Princeton University

Jim DeMint
President, The Heritage Foundation

James H. Amos, Jr.
President & CEO, National Center for Policy Analysis

John A. Baden
Chairman, Foundation for Research on Economics & the Environment

Lisa B. Nelson
CEO, American Legislative Exchange Council

Paul Driessen
Author & Energy Policy Analyst

Thomas J. Pyle
President, Institute for Energy Research

Steven J. Allen
Vice President & Chief Investigative Officer, Capital Research Center

David Ridenour
President, National Center for Public Policy Research

Steven J. Milloy
Publisher, JunkScience.com

Brooke Rollins
President & CEO, Texas Public Policy Foundation

Paul Gessing
President, Rio Grande Foundation

Ron Arnold
Researcher & Author

William Perry Pendley
President, Mountain States Legal Foundation

Adam Brandon
President & CEO, FreedomWorks

Hank Campbell
President, American Council on Science and Health

Craig Rucker
Executive Director, Committee for a Constructive Tomorrow

Tom McCabe
CEO, Freedom Foundation

Richard B. Belzer
Economist

Heather R. Higgins
President & CEO, Independent Women’s Voice

Joseph G. Lehman
President, Mackinac Center for Public Policy

Sabrina Schaeffer
Executive Director, Independent Women’s Forum

Joseph Bast
President, The Heartland Institute

John C. Eastman
Founding Director, The Claremont Institute’s Center for Constitutional Jurisprudence

Robert Alt
President & CEO, The Buckeye Institute

Michael Pack
President & CEO, The Claremont Institute

Josh Blackman
Assistant Professor, South Texas College of Law

Lynn Taylor
President, Tertium Quids

David Rothbard
President, Committee for a Constructive Tomorrow

Tracie Sharp
President & CEO, State Policy Network

Kenneth Haapala
President, Science and Environmental Policy Project

Tim Phillips
President, Americans for Prosperity

Myron Ebell
Director of the Center for Energy & Environment, Competitive Enterprise Institute

George Landrith
President, Frontiers of Freedom

John Tillman
CEO, Illinois Policy Institute

Craig D. Idso
Chairman, Center for the Study of Carbon Dioxide and Global Change

Affiliations listed for identification purposes only. 

I am shocked at how few advocates for free speech–especially those on the left– have spoken up about this travesty. It moved me to put my name on this letter, knowing full well the price of taking a stand on an controversial topic.

NYT - CEI Open Letter Ad - FINAL - May 17 2016

Woe is Zubik

May 16th, 2016

This morning, I had the oddest sense of deja vu to June 25, 2015, the day King v. Burwell was decided. On both days, I was not expecting an Obamacare decision, but it came out of the blue. On both days, I had a sinking feeling beforehand that the side I filed a brief on was going to lose in a devastating way, but I didn’t quite know how. On both days, I couldn’t bring myself to read the opinion right away, because I understood once I read it, it would become real. On both days, my faith in the law was weakened.

In his report from the Court, David Savage noted that “Chief Justice John G. Roberts Jr. read a three-page statement in the court Monday, announcing what sounded like a settlement.” In every respect, it was a settlement, and not a judicial resolution of the “case” or “controversy” before them. Let me break this down.

In their complaint filed in September 2014, the Little Sisters offered a literal (and figurative) prayer for relief–to declare that the mandate, even as alleviated by the “Accommodation-“-violated RFRA:

Declare that the Final Mandate and Defendants’ enforcement of the Final Mandate against the Plaintiffs violate the Religious Freedom Restoration Act, and that no penalties can be charged or assessed against the Plaintiffs for failure to offer or facilitate access to contraceptives (including abortifacient contraceptives), sterilization procedures, and related education and counseling, including any penalties under 26 U.S.C. §§ 4980D and 4980H;

In November 2015, the Supreme Court granted certiorari to answer a reworded, but identical question presented:

1. Whether the HHS Mandate and its “accommodation” violate the Religious Freedom Restoration Act (”RFRA”) by forcing religious nonprofits to act in violation of their sincerely held religious beliefs, when the Government has not proven that this compulsion is the least restrictive means of advancing any compelling interest.

On March 29, 2016–six days after the case was argued–the Court asked the parties to address an alternate accommodation. (It has been decades since the Court requested such briefing after oral argument in a case). Under this unicorn accommodation–which no party had ever suggested before this point–plaintiffs would not have to notify the insurance companies that they object to the mandate, only that they do not “do not want their health plan to include contraceptive coverage of the type to which they object on religious grounds.” Then, the insurance company would contact the employees, and provide them with cost-free contraceptive coverage, with a government reimbursement.

When I wrote about this order, I looked at it through the lens of RFRA. Under RFRA, if there is a less restrictive means to accomplish the same compelling interest, then the provision that substantially burdens free exercise is contrary to law. In other words, once you identify a way for the government to provide “seamless” contraceptive coverage, that is less burdensome that the accommodation proposed in the Federal Register, then the Little Sisters win. In O’Centro, Hobby Lobby, and other RFRA cases, when the Court found a violation that was the end of the road. The Court never suggested the parties mediate, and figure out a different way of accommodating religious liberty and the government’s compelling interests.

On April 12, the petitioners and respondents filed their supplemental briefs. The Petitioners made the same point I made in the previous paragraph–once you identify a less-restrictive means that serves the same compelling interest, they win!

If the coverage can be provided in a way that eliminates that role, then it can be provided in a way that satisfies RFRA.

The government made a very different point–to implement the accommodation the Court proposed, the government would likely have to undertake an untenable interpretation of ERISA.

If the Court determines that some aspect of the present process for opting out renders the accommo- dation inadequate to meet petitioners’ objections to the contraceptive-coverage requirement, it should hold that the Departments may not require compli- ance with the relevant requirements as a condition to invoking the accommodation . . . . Alternatively, if the Court were to conclude that objecting employers may not be required to communi- cate their objections in writing at all, it should hold unenforceable those portions of the regulations that require an employer to provide a written notice to HHS or a self-certification to its insurer, and to maintain a copy of the notice or self-certification in its records. See 45 C.F.R. 147.131(b)(3) and (c)(1).9

Presented with this information, the Supreme Court threw RFRA and ERISA to the wind.

In its brief per curiam order, the Court first observed:

Petitioners have clarified that their religious exercise is not infringed where they “need to do nothing more than contract for a plan that does not include coverage for some or all forms of contraception,” even if their employees receive cost-free contraceptive coverage from the same insurance company. Supple- mental Brief for Petitioners 4.

Second, the Court observed:

The Government has con- firmed that the challenged procedures “for employers with insured plans could be modified to operate in the manner posited in the Court’s order while still ensuring that the affected women receive contraceptive coverage seamlessly, together with the rest of their health coverage.” Supple- mental Brief for Respondents 14–15.

So like Donald Trump (trolling Ilya and Randy), the Justices struck a terrific deal! The Court vacated the judgments, and remanded the cases to the Third, Fifth, Tenth, and D.C. Circuits. At first blush, this looks like a routine GVR. That is, the Court remanded a case after some intervening precedent rendered the Court’s current involvements unnecessary. The Court even tried to cite some precedents to make this look routine!

“This Court has taken similar action in other cases in the past.”

Don’t be fooled. None of these cases support what was done today.

First the Court cites Madison County v. Oneida Indian Nation of N. Y., 562 U. S. 42, 43 (2011) (per curiam). In Madison County, “Counsel for respondent Oneida Indian Nation advised the Court through a letter” that a tribal declaration and ordinance was passed that waived its sovereign immunity. As a result, the Court remanded the case to the Second Circuit to “address, in the first instance, whether to revisit its ruling on sovereign immunity in light of this new factual development, and—if necessary—proceed to address other questions in the case consistent with its sovereign immunity ruling.” The intervening event was a change in the underlying law by the Oneida Indian Nation.

Second, the Court cites Kiyemba v. Obama, 559 U. S. 131, 132 (2010) (per curiam). This case changed after certiorari was granted because “each of the detainees at issue in this case has received at least one offer of resettlement in another country.” The Court noted that “This change in the underlying facts may affect the legal issues presented.” Since “no court has yet ruled in this case in light of the new facts, and we decline to be the first to do so.” The case was remanded to CADC to “determine, in the first instance, what further proceedings in that court or in the District Court are necessary and appropriate for the full and prompt disposition of the case in light of the new developments.” Again, intervening events outside the Court–offers of resettlement–made the remand appropriate.

Third, the Court cites Villarreal v. United States, 572 U. S. ___ (2014). The “case [was] remanded to the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit for further consideration in light of the position asserted by the Solicitor General in his brief for the United States filed on March 21, 2014. Not even close, as certiorari was never granted in the first place.

Theses cases are inapposite to the situation in Zubik. None of these three cases were argued; Zubik was. In each of these three cases, intervening events transpired outside the Court; Zubik’s intervening event came from inside the Court. In each of these three cases, the lower court was asked to take a fresh look at the case in light of the external events; in Zubik, the lower courts are asked to reconsider the cases in light of the Court’s ideations. These citations were pathetic window dressings to make this unprecedented order look routine.

I feel bad for the law clerk who had to put together this string cite to justify this bizarre decision. Imagine the conversation.

Justice: We are going to remand Zubik based on the idea we proposed in our order.

Clerk: Has the Court ever done something like this before?

Justice: No.

Clerk: So how are we going to justify this?

Justice: Go find some cases where we GVR’d based on a change in circumstances. That will do it.

Clerk: Whatever you say, Chief.

If the Court were calling balls and strikes, they would admit frankly that this has never been done before. Instead, they tossed a changeup.

The intervening precedent was one of the Court’s own invention. Neither the Little Sisters’ complaint, nor the Court’s question presented, nor anything else in the record permits such a resolution.  Indeed, it takes some chutzpah for the Court to write:

The Court finds the foregoing approach more suitable than addressing the significantly clarified views of the parties in the first instance.

After listing these precedents which provide no support for what it did, the Court feigns neutrality, when it is clearly not neutral:

The Court expresses no view on the merits of the cases. In particular, the Court does not decide whether petitioners’ religious exercise has been substantially burdened, whether the Government has a compelling interest, or whether the current regulations are the least restrictive means of serving that interest.

Adulterated applesauce (it’s not pure). The only reason why this remand was necessary, is because the government couldn’t win with the accommodation published in the Federal Register. If the government’s accommodation complied with RFRA, this entire SCOTUS-kabuki-theater would be superfluous. Justice Sotomayor’s concurring opinion, where she warned (threatened?) the Circuit Courts “not [to] make the same mistake” of reading the Court’s opinion as a “signal” is rich. Anyone who reads this order knows exactly what it means. A two-Justice concurring opinion doesn’t change that.

Of course, what is lurking under this entire project is the fact that they are down to eight Justices. No doubt, after conference, this case tied 4-4, so they came up with this half-hearted measure to avoid issuing a 4-4 decision. I read the decisions’ reference to the “gravity of the dispute” to embrace the nature of the short-handed Court, but I may be off on that.

There were four possible legitimate outcomes for Zubik. (1) The accommodation violates RFRA, (2) the accommodation does not violate RFRA, (3) a 4-4 affirmance, or (4) the case is held over for reargument next term The Court’s order today followed none of the above–it is really a shadow-DIG that somehow vacates the lower court judgments (Indeed, this is how we are scoring it on FantasySCOTUS).

So what happens on remand? Twelve judges on four circuits will consider whether the Court’s hypothetical accommodation satisfies RFRA? Maybe the judges will decide, based on the availability of the Court’s proffered accommodation, that a least-restrictive means exists so that the actual accommodation fails? Maybe the en banc proceedings will drag this out another year? As it stands, all of the plaintiffs that have already sued have effectively provided notice, so the government can implement this workaround now? (Although new plaintiffs who didn’t sue may raise the new objections). Maybe the Obama Administration will publish this proposal in the Federal Register, thereby mooting all of the litigation, and starting from square one? (This may be a prudent move, because the Court has “signaled” that this may work). Maybe the case will come back up to the Court next year and Justice Garland or Justice Sykes can cast the tie-breaking vote one way or the other?

No doubt the Little Sisters are happy, and the government is relieved. The Little Sisters will not be forced to violate their conscience, and the Obama administration can hopefully find a way to save face, and pursue their compelling state interest of providing the employees of the Little Sisters with cost-free birth control. Everyone wins, right? Wrong. This is not a good day for the rule of law. All 8 Justices, all of them, signed an order that was inconsistent with the role of the Supreme Court to resolve the actual controversy before them. The Justices turned the curved bench at One First Street into a round ADR table. This decision only looks good by looking at the outcome, but now how they got there.

What the Court did here is even less defensible than the Chief’s saving construction of the mandate, his decision to rewrite the Medicaid expansion, or his application of the “Obamacare canon” to Section 36B. The Court disregarded the actual accommodation that has been litigated for years, made up an alternate premise–which if RFRA was taken seriously means the Little Sisters win–and burdened the lower courts with the unenviable task of creating another meaningless circuit split which may be picked up by the Court in the future.

On the plus side, I can now finish Unraveled. I had worked out an arrangement with Cambridge than the final chapter would be due on July 5, roughly one week after the end of the term. I planned to scramble and finish writing about whatever it is the Court did. Now, the conclusion will take a very different route, as I tie together NFIB, King v. Burwell, and Zubik.