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Between 2009 and 2020, Josh published more than 10,000 blog posts. Here, you can access his blog archives.

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I am quoted in Tablet Magazine In Feature On The Volokh Conspiracy

April 3rd, 2014

Tablet Magazine, a periodical that focuses on Jewish life, has a detailed feature about the Volokh Conspiracy, its founder Eugene Volokh, the other conspirators, and how these band of right-wing libertarians fit into the broader Jewish zeitgeist. I was quoted in a few places about the role the Volokh Conspiracy–though notably not Eugene himself–played in the debate over the ACA:

 In the wake of the passage, in 2010, of the Affordable Care Act—the cornerstone of President Obama’s domestic agenda—libertarian writers for The Volokh Conspiracy were instrumental in building the constitutional challenge to the law’s individual mandate. “When the Affordable Care Act was going through the legislative process, most law professors agreed that the ACA was constitutional,” said South Texas College of Law’s Josh Blackman, who wrote the definitive scholarly account of the challenge.

Then The Volokh Conspiracy entered the fray, and everything changed. “Usually these kinds of legal arguments develop over the course of many years in law reviews, in conferences and symposiums,” Blackman continued, “but this was on warp speed. You had blog posts on the day where you could actually see the arguments shaping before you.”

But without question, the blog’s primary impact has been on the American domestic front, from disputes surrounding eminent domain to the case against the Affordable Care Act. Indeed, the Obamacare challenge exemplified how The Volokh Conspiracy has radically transformed the legal landscape. In the past, the academy often looked askance at blogging as a distraction from more serious legal writing, to the extent that some professors initially joined the Conspiracy under pseudonyms to conceal their involvement. Today, however, blogs have become the driver of the discourse. “The way law professoring used to work was that you would spend a year writing a law review article, you would workshop it among other professors, and maybe in 18 months, it would come out in a printed book that no one would ever read,” explained Blackman, the South Texas professor. “Now a case is decided and within a few minutes you can post a few hundred words on a blog, which becomes now the narrative shaper —and I think you can credit that to Eugene Volokh and the other conspirators.”

Kudos to everyone at VC for shaping the debate, and the way lawprofs can influence the world.

Mark Walsh From Inside the McCutcheon Handdown

April 2nd, 2014

One of my favorite SCOTUSBlog features (other than Box-Count) are Mark Walsh’s reports from inside the court. His post on McCutcheon has some great personal moments from the Justices.

This seems like a classy nod from the Chief to the dissent:

Roberts then makes a noticeably respectful nod to the dissent that would soon come from one of his colleagues.

“There’s a thoughtful dissent today,” he says, one that performed its function of forcing the majority to think through its conclusions. At this moment, Justice Stephen G. Breyer turns to his the neighbor on his right, Justice Sonia Sotomayor, and gives a wry smile.

And Breyer seems to have reciprocated:

Breyer says he will focus on the Chief Justice’s plurality opinion, and he departs from even his own printed bench statement, to call it “a good opinion, though I don’t agree with it.”

And some humor from Breyer:

“Today the Court overrules Buckley and strikes down a similar ceiling [on overall contributions] as unconstitutional,” Breyer says. “The Court substitutes for the current two-year overall contribution ceiling of $123,000, the number infinity.”

He pauses and a few people chuckle at that. “If the Court in Citizens United opened a door, today’s decision may well open a floodgate,” he says.

There is more tapping into the Citizens United vein. “Taken together with Citizens United, today’s holding, we fear, eviscerates our nation’s campaign finance laws, leaving a remnant incapable of dealing with the grave problems of democratic legitimacy that those laws were intended to support.”

SCOTUS did not cite Lessig TUMBLR in McCutcheon

April 2nd, 2014

Alas, Lessig’s TUMBLR of every founding-era use of the word “corruption” was not cited by the Court. Lessig faults the liberals for not looking to his originalism.

But the striking fact about McCutcheon is that the government didn’t even try. Originalism is not the language of liberals. It’s beneath them—the weapon of the enemy. So the government’s brief didn’t even hint at the argument that there was no good originalist reason to restrict the meaning of “corruption” to quid pro quo corruption alone. And Justice Breyer in his classically geeky dissent doesn’t even hint at the possible originalist inconsistency—even though the core of his argument is precisely that “corruption” does not mean “quid pro quo corruption” alone.

En Banc Petition Filed, Challenging Posner’s Judicial Fashion Show. It’s A Walk-Off.

April 2nd, 2014

I previously blogged about Judge Posner’s judicial fashion show. In a case that concerned how long it took to put on and take off protective gear, Judge Posner took the fact-finding into his own hands by holding a fashion show in chambers. His staff doffed and donned the gear, and Judge Posner recorded it. This story was picked up by the ABA Journal, and got a a lot of play in their weekly email.

The attorney representing the plaintiff haw now filed a petition for rehearing en banc.

Here is the relevant portion of the brief:

Finally, the majority found that donning and doffing during the half‐hour meal break was de minimis as a matter of law based on “information”1 gleaned from an “experiment” conducted in chambers by a judge and three unidentified members of this Court’s staff.2

2 No aspect of this experiment is a matter of record, including when or exactly where it was performed, who was present, the videotape generated, the methodology used, the identities of the participants (called “actors” by the majority) or what instructions they received and by whom. Of course, having never received notice of the Court’s intention to conduct an experiment, counsel for the parties were not present and apparently neither was dissenting Judge Wood. What role, if any, counsel would have played in such an experiment is unclear, as presumably the Court would not permit examination of its members or staff.

The brief raises both due process and Rules of Civil Procedure violations:

In what the dissent characterized as a “startling” event, the majority found the clothes changing here was de minimis based solely on unannounced, unchecked and unchallenged experiments performed by unidentified members of the judiciary in chambers following oral argument.3

3 The Constitutional due process implications of the majority’s decision to not only consider but actually create “information” outside the record in contravention of the plain dictates of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure is staggering. Pointing to this Court’s opinion, trial courts can expect to be inundated with invitations to perform similar fact‐finding experiments, both announced and unannounced, and with or without the consent of any or all parties.

The brief argues that the “unilateral judicial investigation” was inappropriate and unnecessary:

This is so despite the admitted existence of a heavily‐disputed factual issue concerning the amount of time required for the unpaid work: Plaintiffs estimate it requires approximately 10‐15 minutes to perform all the tasks at issue, including washing, which Defendants contend was not relevant and therefore, did not provide their own estimate, (D.E. 87 ¶ 18, R. 853). Conducting a unilateral judicial investigation – particularly on a key issue left to the trier of fact – is simply not appropriate, contravenes the Federal Rules, and indeed, is inconsistent with the role of the judiciary in our legal system. See Costello v. Flatman, LLC, 2014 WL 929008, at *1 (2d Cir. Mar. 11, 2014) (summary order); Fed.R.Civ.P. 56; Fed.R.App.P. 10(a).

Further, Judge Posner’s experiment failed to account for the fact that in the kitchen, there was only one sink, and 200-300 workers had to share it.

Highlighting the problems inherent with conducting judicial experiments to resolve hotly‐contested fact issues, the majority failed to account for a slew of facts impossible

to replicate in a judge’s chambers, not the least of which were that at the meal break (after taking the gear off), the employees had to store it for reuse, travel to a sink to wash and because there were 200 to 300 employees (D.E. 87 ¶ 5, R. 848‐849) and only one sink, wait in line to wash. (D.E. 87 ¶ 19 response, R. 853). Thus the majority’s surprise experiment failed to include inter alia:

1. time spent on storage of gear after taking off;

2. the meal period wash up time;

3. the travel time to wash up; and

4. the wait time to use the sink to wash up.

I agree with the brief that this issue should have been subject to discovery and fact-finding in the district court. Not judicial fact-finding on appeal.

Because no discovery was allowed, a contentious, material dispute exists regarding the amount of time expended has been ignored by the majority opinion including gear storage, the travel to wash up, the waiting time to use the sink to wash up, the actual washing time before the meal, and other related activities discovered through the discovery process.

While I am not allowed to file an amicus brief in support of rehearing en banc, I am inclined to pursue one here if en banc review is granted. Though, perhaps the best way to resolve this fashion dispute is a Walk-Off, Zoolander style.

Petition for Rehearing En Banc – Mitchell v. JCG Industires

Lyle Denniston’s Odd Description of McCutcheon and Citizens United

April 2nd, 2014

I usually rely on SCOTUSBlog for fair and accurate reporting, but this post of McCutcheon by Lyle Denniston is odd. Two statements jump out at me.

First, the opening sentence:

The Supreme Court pressed ahead on Wednesday with the majority’s constitutional view that more money flowing into politics is a good thing — even if much of it comes from rich donors.

Huh. Where does he get this from? The Majority opinion is premised on the fact that the law unduly limits speech, and that the aggregate caps do not lead to quid-pro-quo corruption. This does not suggest that five justices of the Supreme Court hold the “constitutional view that more money flowing into politics is a good thing.” This very well may be the consequence of today’s opinion, but to ascribe that as the majority’s motivation is uncharitable at best.

Second, this characterization of Citizens United reads like a DNC talking point:

The decision was not as sweeping as the Court’s ruling four years ago, removing all restrictions on what corporations and labor unions can spend of their own money in federal campaigns (Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission), which has led to billions of dollars spent on politics through financing that is supposed to be independent of candidates or parties.

“All restrictions”? Certainly Lyle knows better than that. Citizens United itself dealt with a fairly discrete issue of corporate spending on certain types of advertisements in the time leading up to an election. Follow-up cases like Speech Now have struck down other restrictions. But Citizens United left in place countless other restrictions on how corporations can spend their money. Namely, as McCutcheon notes, corporations still can’t contribute directly to candidates.

This reporting should be corrected.