May 18, 2011

Posted in Constitutionality of Social Cost, Exigent Circumstances, Uncategorized

Why should Fourth Amendment protections be lessened to prevent the destruction of evidence?


Why would the destruction of evidence, or even the suspicion of destruction of evidence, constitute exigent circumstances that creates an exception to the Fourth Amendment? Yes, I know this is nothing new, but I have been thinking about this since Kentucky v. King.

I understand why threats to an officer’s safety, or the safety of other’s constitutes exigent circumstances that supports vitiating Fourth Amendment rights (this fits into my Constitutionality of Social Cost framework).

But how does the destruction of evidence fit into that calculus? Perhaps if the destruction of evidence (by burning maybe?) poses a threat to others that fits, but what difference does it make if a suspect flushes evidence down the toilet–a plumber may be upset, but no one else is at risk of being harmed.

Now, the obvious answer is that it makes it more difficult for the state to prosecute the crime, and put the bad guy behind bars. But, so what? What “right” does the government have to evidence. I suppose destruction of evidence could be a crime, but my question, more broadly, is why a constitutional right is limited in these cases.

The government has no right to prosecute someone. The state does not have rights, it has power. Only people have rights. That power is constrained by the rights guaranteed by the Constitution. Exceptions to those powers based on those rights are just that, exceptions.

So why is the need to prosecute someone sufficient enough to weaken Fourth Amendment protections, and unreasonably search or seize property on belief of destruction of evidence?

Update: Justice Scalia’s concurring opinion in  Thornton v. US is somewhat elucidating here, focusing on the government’s “interest” in gathering evidence incident to a lawful arrest. Scalia further notes that the fact that there was a prior lawful arrest “distinguishes the arrestee from society at large.” In other words, he has taken an affirmative act which exemplified a propensity for danger. Even if the interest here is appropriate for an arrestee, I would distinguish this from the exigent circumstances doctrine at issue in Kentucky v. King, wherein a person has done nothing to show this dangerousness, and the police simply suspect the destruction of evidence. I sense another article germinating applying the Constitutionality of Social Cost to broader 4th amendment issues.

Here is the important part of the opinion:

If Belton searches are justifiable, it is not because the arrestee might grab a weapon or evidentiary item from his car, but simply because the car might contain evidence relevant to the crime for which he was arrested. This more general sort of evidence-gathering search is not without antecedent. For example, in United States v. Rabinowitz,339 U.S. 56 (1950), we upheld a search of the suspect’s place of business after he was arrested there. We did not restrict the officers’ search authority to “the area into which [the] arrestee might reach in order to grab a weapon or evidentiary ite[m],” Chimel, 395 U.S., at 763, and we did not justify the search as a means to prevent concealment or destruction of evidence.1Rather, we relied on a more general interest in gathering evidence relevant to the crime for which the suspect had been arrested. See 339 U.S., at 60—64; see also Harris v. United States,331 U.S. 145, 151—152 (1947); Marron v. United States,275 U.S. 192, 199 (1927); Agnello v. United States,269 U.S. 20, 30 (1925); cf. Weeks v. United States,232 U.S. 383, 392 (1914).

Numerous earlier authorities support this approach, referring to the general interest in gathering evidence related to the crime of arrest with no mention of the more specific interest in preventing its concealment or destruction. See United States v. Wilson, 163 F. 338, 340, 343 (CC SDNY 1908); Smith v. Jerome, 47 Misc. 22, 23—24, 93 N. Y. S. 202, 202—203 (1905);Thornton v. State, 117 Wis. 338, 346—347, 93 N. W. 1107, 1110 (1903); Ex parte Hurn, 92 Ala. 102, 112, 9 So. 515, 519—520 (1891); Thatcher v. Weeks, 79 Me. 547, 548—549, 11 A. 599, 599—600 (1887); 1 F. Wharton, Criminal Procedure §97, pp. 136—137 (J. Kerr 10th ed. 1918); 1 J. Bishop, Criminal Procedure §211, p. 127 (2d ed. 1872); cf. Spalding v. Preston, 21 Vt. 9, 15 (1848) (seizure authority); Queen v. Frost, 9 Car. & P. 129, 131—134 (1839) (same); King v.Kinsey, 7 Car. & P. 447 (1836) (same); King v. O’Donnell, 7 Car. & P. 138 (1835) (same); Kingv. Barnett, 3 Car. & P. 600, 601 (1829) (same). Bishop’s 1872 articulation is typical:

“The officer who arrests a man on a criminal charge should consider the nature of the charge; and, if he finds about the prisoner’s person, or otherwise in his possession, either goods or moneys which there is reason to believe are connected with the supposed crime as its fruits, or as the instruments with which it was committed, or as directly furnishing evidence relating to the transaction, he may take the same, and hold them to be disposed of as the court may direct.” Bishop, supra, §211, at 127.

Only in the years leading up to Chimel did we start consistently referring to the narrower interest in frustrating concealment or destruction of evidence. See Sibron v. New York,392 U.S. 40, 67 (1968); Preston v. United States,376 U.S. 364, 367 (1964).

There is nothing irrational about broader police authority to search for evidence when and where the perpetrator of a crime is lawfully arrested. The fact of prior lawful arrest distinguishes the arrestee from society at large, and distinguishes a search for evidence of hiscrime from general rummaging. Moreover, it is not illogical to assume that evidence of a crime is most likely to be found where the suspect was apprehended.

Nevertheless, Chimel’s narrower focus on concealment or destruction of evidence also has historical support. See Holker v. Hennessey, 141 Mo. 527, 539—540, 42 S. W. 1090, 1093 (1897); Dillon v. O’Brien, 16 Cox C. C. 245, 250 (Ex. Div. Ire. 1887); Reifsnyder v. Lee, 44 Iowa 101, 103 (1876); S. Welch, Essay on the Office of Constable 17 (1758).2 And some of the authorities supporting the broader rule address only searches of the arrestee’s person, as to which Chimel’s limitation might fairly be implicit. Moreover, carried to its logical end, the broader rule is hard to reconcile with the influential case of Entick v. Carrington, 19 How. St. Tr. 1029, 1031, 1063—1074 (C. P. 1765) (disapproving search of plaintiff’s private papers under general warrant, despite arrest). But cf. Dillonsupra, at 250—251 (distinguishingEntick); Warden, Md. Penitentiary v. Hayden,387 U.S. 294, 303—304 (1967).

In short, both Rabinowitz and Chimel are plausible accounts of what the Constitution requires, and neither is so persuasive as to justify departing from settled law. But if we are going to continue to allow Belton searches on stare decisis grounds, we should at least be honest about why we are doing so. Belton cannot reasonably be explained as a mere application of Chimel. Rather, it is a return to the broader sort of search incident to arrest that we allowed before Chimel–limited, of course, to searches of motor vehicles, a category of “effects” which give rise to a reduced expectation of privacy, see Wyoming v. Houghton, 526 U.S. 295, 303 (1999), and heightened law enforcement needs, see id., at 304; Rabinowitz, 339 U.S., at 73 (Frankfurter, J., dissenting).

 

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  • http://twitter.com/crescat WPB

    I think it’s wrong to think of this as a case where “a constitutional right is limited.” The Fourth Amendment refers to reasonableness, and the Court has long interpreted that as a license to craft its own consequentialist rules about what the right includes.

    So Kentucky v. King doesn’t say that the 4th Amendment is overcome in destruction-of-the-evidence cases, it says that warrantless entries with probable cause are permitted in destruction-of-the-evidence circumstances, presumably for reasons similar to the reasons that police are allowed to use force to capture a non-violent criminal who is fleeing or eluding them.

    • Josh Blackman

      I recognize the Court has assumed the role of determining what is “reasonable” for purposes of the 4th Amendment, and don’t quibble with that.

      My question though is what is the reasoning behind granting “destruction of evidence” such an important position.

      You mention that precedents permit cops to use force to capture a non-violent suspect who is fleeing. Someone who is fleeing, eluding the cops has taken an affirmative action, and is likely engaged in risky behavior that can hurt others. If he is fleeing in a car, that can be really dangerous (not like OJ). Even fleeing by foot can cause him to bump into or knock someone else down. People are at risk.

      In contrast, if the cops hear someone flushing something in a toilet, there is no possibility of harm to anyone. The only result is that it will be harder to prosecute him.

      Why are the reasons behind these doctrines similar?

  • http://twitter.com/crescat WPB

    But cops are allowed to arrest people not only when they’re actually running, but when they’re merely walking away and trying to be inconspicuous (or even standing still). Indeed, with an arrest warrant they can even break into somebody’s house with a battering ram purely in order to arrest them.

    All of that’s true even if the person poses no threat to anybody– not even of bumping into somebody. That’s because the police officer’s right to arrest and take somebody into custody for a violation of the law stems from the state’s interest in prosecuting crimes and bringing perpetrators to justice– not just its interest in presenting violence, car crashes, or bumps.

    And that same interest– the interest in prosecuting crimes and bringing perpetrators to justice– is what allows the police to prevent somebody from destroying evidence.

    • Josh Blackman

      The example you mention regarding arrests all involve warrants–that is an ex ante judicial proceeding in which a judicial magistrate approves of the state’s action. Sure, with a warrant a cop can arrest someone who poses no immediate threat.

      The key is that there is additionally process. In my article, I address the fact that an absence of a cognizable harm, coupled with additional process, permits the infringement of liberty (using a battering ram to break down the home of someone accused of using drugs).

      Kentucky v. King is a different story. There was no ex ante judicial approval. The cops barged in solely on the exigent circumstances doctrine. Where there is no threat of harm to others, and no judicial process, I have a problem with the search.

  • http://Website terraformer

    “So why is the need to prosecute someone sufficient enough to weaken Fourth Amendment protections, and unreasonably search or seize property on belief of destruction of evidence?”

    Need is the wrong way of thinking about this. Thinking of this from the perspective of no-knock warrants, this decision takes a lot of wind out of the need for those in some –though not all– of the circumstances those are taken out for. I suspect –at least hope– no knocks are going to be severely limited in scope by the courts eventually or at least they will increase the liability of them to the point that PDs actually have a reason NOT to use them.

    Taken in this context, I think this puts Kentucky v. King in a much better light. I am not happy with the decision by any means and I hate no knocks even more but I also think that the court makes decisions in anticipation of future decisions on related topics.

    • http://Website terraformer

      Actually, I am an idiot. There was no warrant here. Forget it. I shouldn’t post on the internet while on conference calls…

  • http://Website Melech

    The same question can be asked about all sorts of humiliating and enormous restraints on liberty SCOTUS and lower courts have constantly upheld in the name of officer safety. The courts often defer to police “expertise” as found in manuals and training guides in upholding these routine procedures. But any dummy can figure out that the incentives on the side of law enforcement are going to be heavily skewed on the side of officer safety. Police and corrections unions obviously are going to do everything to protect their officers first, and have little to no reason to care that everyone else is treated with full respect if there is even a .001% chance that the added respect might translate into a dead or injured officer.

    But on what authority do courts have to decide that police practices which are obviously formed with little but officer safety in mind are “reasonable”? When courts defer to the law enforcement “expertise”, they are simply deciding to put all the weight on the side of (often remote) risks and none on the side of dignity and liberty.

    What’s “reasonable” about allowing handcuffing all the occupants of a house during the entire duration of a search? The armed officers are not much more at risk than say a child protective officer who comes to a house to investigate an allegation. Why does the threat outweigh the enormous liberty and dignity interests of the occupants?

    What’s “reasonable” about the court allowing in LA v. Rettele officers to force a couple who were naked underneath a blanket to show themselves to the officers and just stand there naked for quite a while in the name of safety? The officers could have called for backup and allowed the occupants to stay underneath the blanket and show their hands, and then handed them something to put on underneath the blanket once backup arrived. What makes the more cost effective means approved by the court “reasonable”?

    What’s even reasonable about routine handcuffing of suspects where there is no reason to believe they might be dangerous? Handcuffing can be very painful and is certainly undignified. They find a way to get by without it in India, as the Indian Supreme Court ruled routine handcuffing unconstitutional. But apparently that’s because the Indian constitution lacks the “officer safety trumps everything in the reasonable analysis” clause that’s found in our constitution.

    What’s reasonable about subjecting everyone who goes to jail as a pre-trial detainee, who supposedly has the benefit of a presumption of innocence, to being forced to urinate and defecate with no privacy? Many countries jails and prisons provide a privacy barrier to most of their prisoners. What other than ipse dixit justifies the assumption that a person no more dangerous than his or her identically situated colleague, who differs only in being $1 short of being able to afford bail, suddenly loses the most basic rights of human dignity, in the name of “safety”?

    The list goes on and on, but the point remains the same. Courts have deferred to the “judgement” of law enforcement as to what’s considered reasonable, when the practices being upheld were designed by the cops for officer safety and conveience, but with no incentive to genuinely balance the countervailing interests of liberty and dignity.

    • Josh Blackman

      Someone has been reading Neomi Rao’s blog posts about dignity I see :)

      Melech, I agree with a lot of what you wrote. My focus, for the time, is on actions that pose absolutely zero possible threat to officer safety–destruction of evidence.

      I’ll grant you that even so called “threats to officer safety” are usually pretextual, and the Court no doubt defers to this.

      I’ll avoid linking to videos of swat team raids.

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  • http://twitter.com/crescat WPB

    I don’t think the Court thinks about warrants in the same way that you think about warrants. It’s true that they provide extra process, and therefore justify some searches that would otherwise be unreasonable. But ultimately, the Court’s question in all of these cases is when reasonableness requires a warrant and when it doesn’t require a warrant. And the Court thinks that no warrant is required when something “exigent” is happening. I take it you agree with that.

    Then the next question is whether “exigent” has to be limited to conduct that injures other people, or whether it can include conduct that destroys evidence and makes criminal activity harder to detect and punish. Since police officers generally are supposed to detect and punish crime, and are generally allowed to perform searches to detect and punish crime, it stands to reason that “exigent” destruction of the evidence is just as much of an excuse as “exigent” injury to others.

    • Josh Blackman

      Thank you for that comment. This really clarifies my thinking. The disagreement is over what constitutes “exigence.”

      You wrote: “Since police officers generally are supposed to detect and punish crime, and are generally allowed to perform searches to detect and punish crime, it stands to reason that “exigent” destruction of the evidence is just as much of an excuse as “exigent” injury to others.”

      I suppose I don’t really agree with this. I am not sure if the Court has ever explained why destruction of evidence is “exigent.” (I’ll do some digging, I may be wrong about this.) Thanks

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  • http://Website Mainer


    WPB:

    Since police officers generally are supposed to detect and punish crime, and are generally allowed to perform searches to detect and punish crime…..

    It might also clarify the thinking here if we recognize that it is not the role of a police officer to punish crime. I’m sure with a moment’s thought you’ll realize the error of that statement.

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  • http://twitter.com/crescat WPB

    Mainer:

    I appreciate the correction– I should have said “detect crime and assist in seeing that the wrongdoers are punished”– but I don’t think that my mistake is material.

  • http://Website Monkcaw

    It’s unreasonable to assert exigency in a matter that is hypothetical. Unless the police certainly know that: 1) evidence exists and 2) that evidence is being destroyed, a search should require a warrant.

    All this exigency business was meant to enable authorities to respond to obvious emergencies: cries for help, 911 calls…etc. If the preservation of evidence means exigence, it means so only to the state and presents only an urgency of procedure or policy in the collection of evidence and while this is especially EXPEDIENT for the state, it is in no way exigent.

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  • http://Website RobertoE

    Thank you, Josh. I’ve been pointing out that states do not have rights, only powers, for years and it still grates on my nerves when I hear knowlegable people say “states rights”. Just look at the 9th & 10 amendments.